China's urbanization in the post-1978 reform era is marked by dramatic urban-rural space reconfiguration and population redistribution. These two features have not only posed challenges but also created opportunities for the country's social governance. Given that communities connect individuals with the society and the state, this report zeros in on social governance innovation at the community level.​ The main body of the report is divided into four parts under the headings of North China, East China, South China, and Central and West China. Such a division is informed mainly by each region's distinctive characteristics of community governance innovation. The report ends with some brief concluding remarks.

1978年改革开放以来，中国的城市化以剧烈的城乡空间重构和人口再分布为显著特征。这两个特征不仅给国家的社会治理带来了挑战，也创造了机遇。鉴于社区连接着个人、社会与国家，本报告聚焦于社区层面的社会治理创新。

本报告主体部分分为四个部分，分别以华北、华东、华南以及中西部地区为标题。这样的划分主要基于各地区社区治理创新所呈现出的鲜明特征。报告最后以简要的总结性评论作结。

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1. North China 华北地区

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Beijing is selected to showcase two distinguishing features of community governance innovation in North China. One is that of integrating established residents and new residents of "danweidayuan", and the other leveraging the third-party social resources.

本报告选取了北京作为北方地区的代表。北京作为全国的政治、经济、文化中心，有着一定的独特性，但是如包括大院制、单位制在内的诸多特点又是整个北方地区所共有的。

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1.1 Integrating established residents and new residents of "danweidayuan" “单位大院”老居民与新居民的融合

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To better understand this feature, it is worth outlining the historical development of "danweidayuan" in Beijing. When the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949, institutions of the Communist Party of China and those of the Central Government acquired land in the capital city of Beijing. Each of these institutions gradually developed its land into a "danweidayuan" where its employees could work and live at the same place. Noteworthy is that "danweidayuan" gradually became a gated community. This is not only in the sense that people from outside did not have free access to it, but also in the sense that it became increasingly unnecessary for its residents to interact with people outside as more and more community services could be enjoyed within their "danweidayuan". As could be expected, residents of each "danweidayuan" developed strong sense of belonging to and identifying with their gated community. Nonetheless, "danweidayuan" became less livable when their established facilities and services grew less competitive than those newly developed outside their boundaries. Furthermore, "danweidayuan" had in effect disrupted continuity in urban space, thus being unable to meet the two requests for urban governance in the new era, namely the equalization of public services and the establishment of a social governance model that is based on collaboration, participation and common interests.

为更好地理解这一特征，有必要概述北京“单位大院”的历史发展。1949年中华人民共和国成立后，中国共产党和中央政府的相关机构在首都北京获得土地。每个机构逐渐将其土地发展成为一个“单位大院”，员工可以在同一地点工作和生活。值得注意的是，“单位大院”逐渐演变为一种封闭式社区。这不仅体现在外部人员不能自由进入，也体现在随着越来越多的社区服务能够在“单位大院”内部获得，院内居民与外部人员互动的必要性日益降低。可以预见的是，每个“单位大院”的居民都逐渐形成了对其封闭社区的强烈归属感和认同感。然而，当“单位大院”既有的设施和服务相较于院外新近发展起来的设施和服务逐渐失去竞争力时，其宜居性也随之下降。此外，“单位大院”实际上也打断了城市空间的连续性，因而难以满足新时代城市治理的两项要求，即公共服务均等化，以及建立基于协作、参与和共同利益的社会治理模式。

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In the historical context as outlined above, the redevelopment of many old residential communities in Beijing has a dual focus on bridging the gap between established residents and new residents of "danweidayuan" and encouraging all residents to participate in governing their communities. Tiancun Street Compound 40 in Haidian District, formerly known as the "danweidayuan" of Beijing Research and Design Institute of Rubber Industry, serves as an illustrative case in this regard. The compound had experienced moving out of its young established residents and moving in of migrant workers. Its redevelopment did not focus on large-scale construction, but on transforming its worn bicycle shed into a culture courtyard (i.e., a public space for all residents to enjoy and participate in cultural activities). The courtyard drove the formation of eight culture-themed groups such as choral group, dance group, and knitting group. Activities associated with these groups have, in turn, promoted community cohesion and community engagement.

在上述历史背景下，北京许多老旧居住社区的改造具有双重重点：一是弥合“单位大院”老居民与新居民之间的差距，二是鼓励所有居民参与社区治理。海淀区田村路街道40号院是一个具有说明性的案例。该院原为北京橡胶工业研究设计院的“单位大院”，曾经历年轻老居民迁出和外来务工人员迁入的过程。其改造并未聚焦于大规模建设，而是将破旧的自行车棚改造成文化庭院，即供所有居民享用并参与文化活动的公共空间。该庭院推动形成了合唱队、舞蹈队、编织小组等八个以文化为主题的团体。与这些团体相关的活动反过来又促进了社区凝聚力和社区参与。

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1.2 Leveraging the third-party social resources 借助第三方社会资源

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Many communities in Beijing have leveraged the third-party organizations for their social governance innovations. These organizations are either universities or social organizations located in China's capital city.​ One case is Fengtai District's Lugouqiao Town that consists of 20 villages. Thanks to being located in Beijing’s urban-rural periphery, many of these villages boast collective property that exceeds 10 billion RMB. Nonetheless, a challenge facing the township government pertains to its grassroots cadres' lack of capacity to address issues that emerge from new trends. This challenge appears more pressing given the fact that most of the top leadership (i.e., secretary of village party branch committee and chairman of villagers' committee) of the twenty villages have not received education above the level of associate degree, not to mention that none of their degrees are directly relate to rural development or community governance. In September 2016, the town collaborated with School of Agricultural Economics and Rural Development of Renmin University of China in establishing a teaching and research base. Work group at the base has designed a long-term training program for the cadres, which has proved to be effective in developing grassroots cadres' competencies regarding rural development and social governance. 

北京许多社区在社会治理创新中借助了第三方组织。这些组织既包括位于中国首都的高校，也包括社会组织。

一个案例是丰台区卢沟桥乡，该乡由20个村组成。得益于其位于北京城乡结合部，许多村拥有超过100亿元人民币的集体资产。然而，乡镇政府面临的一项挑战是，其基层干部缺乏应对新趋势所引发问题的能力。考虑到这20个村大多数主要领导，即村党支部书记和村民委员会主任，未接受过大专以上层次的教育，更不用说他们的学历均与农村发展或社区治理没有直接关系，这一挑战显得更加迫切。2016年9月，卢沟桥乡与中国人民大学农业与农村发展学院合作建立了教学科研基地。基地工作组为干部设计了长期培训项目，实践证明，该项目有效提升了基层干部在农村发展和社会治理方面的能力。

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Another case is Lengquan Village of Xibeiwang Town of Haidian District. The population of its villagers is around 2,000. However, the population of its non-permanent residents is about 20,000, many of whom are school-age children of migrant workers. These migrant children lack the company of families and friends and often find it hard to incorporate into their new urban environments, thus always at risk of returning to their own villages and becoming left-behind children. Although Lengquan Village by itself is unable to provide various types of high-quality public services for these children, it seeks support from social organizations in this regard. The village has collaborated with China Youth Development Foundation in establishing a public benefit project named "Hope Community" which has been well participated by university students, working professionals, and celebrities as long-time volunteers. "Hope Community" has served more than 320 families of migrant workers, functioning as a space where migrant children may find and enjoy a warm reception from their new place of residence.    

另一个案例是海淀区西北旺镇冷泉村。该村村民人口约为2000人，但非户籍常住人口约为20000人，其中许多是外来务工人员的学龄儿童。这些流动儿童缺乏家庭和朋友的陪伴，常常难以融入新的城市环境，因此始终面临返乡并成为留守儿童的风险。尽管冷泉村自身无法为这些儿童提供多种类型的高质量公共服务，但其在这方面寻求了社会组织的支持。该村与中国青少年发展基金会合作建立了名为“希望社区”的公益项目，吸引了大学生、职场人士和名人作为长期志愿者广泛参与。“希望社区”已服务超过320个外来务工人员家庭，成为流动儿童在新的居住地感受到温暖接纳的空间。​

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2. South China 华南地区

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Pearl River Delta Region is selected to showcase two distinct characteristics of community governance innovation in South China. One is that of positive interactions between rapid urbanization and a strong kinship culture, and the other effective participation of multiple subjects.

本报告选取珠江三角洲地区，以展示华南地区社区治理创新的两个鲜明特征：一是快速城市化与强宗族文化之间的良性互动；二是多元主体的有效参与。

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2.1 Positive interactions between rapid urbanization and a strong kinship culture 快速城市化与强宗族文化之间的良性互动

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Pearl River Delta Region is steeped in kinship culture which is marked by strong group identification based on blood relations. Community governance innovation in this region tends to derive from positive interactions between traditional kinship culture and modern urbanization.​ Lijiao Village, one of the largest urbanizing villages in Haizhu Distrctict of Guangzhou, provides an illustrative case. In the process of its redevelopment, Lijiao Village Wei's Kinship Association worked with Hong Kong Wei's Kinship Association to facilitate villagers' communication and negotiation with two other stakeholders (i.e., local government and the developer). It deserves mentioning that Hong Kong Wei's Kinship Association is a non-profit organization established by ethnic Chinese in Hong Kong, Macao, and overseas to maintain a worldwide network of those whose family name is Wei. It also deserves mentioning that close collaboration between the two Wei's kinship associations can be dated back as early as 1982. Drawing on its more advanced understanding of residential quality and environmental development, Hong Kong Wei's Kinship Association offered many constructive recommendations for redevelopment of Lijiao Village. Leveraging villagers' trust, the association not only clarified villagers' common interests by integrating their individual opinions, but more importantly, increased villagers' negotiation power. This in turn enabled the association to deliver the collective opinion of villagers to local government and the developer clearly and accurately. In this case, Hong Kong Wei's Association greatly streamlined the communication among and across key stakeholders, and finally contributed to the efficient and effective redevelopment of Lijiao Village.  

珠江三角洲地区深受宗族文化浸润，其特点是基于血缘关系形成强烈的群体认同。该地区的社区治理创新往往源于传统宗族文化与现代城市化之间的良性互动。广州市海珠区最大的城中村之一沥滘村提供了一个具有说明性的案例。在改造过程中，沥滘村卫氏宗亲会与香港卫氏宗亲会合作，促进村民与另外两个利益相关方，即地方政府和开发商之间的沟通与协商。值得一提的是，香港卫氏宗亲会是由香港、澳门以及海外华人建立的非营利组织，旨在维系全球卫姓群体网络。同样值得一提的是，两个卫氏宗亲会之间的密切合作最早可追溯至1982年。凭借其对居住品质和环境发展的更先进理解，香港卫氏宗亲会为沥滘村改造提出了许多建设性建议。借助村民的信任，该宗亲会不仅通过整合村民个人意见来明确村民共同利益，更重要的是增强了村民的谈判能力。这反过来使宗亲会能够清晰、准确地向地方政府和开发商传达村民的集体意见。在这一案例中，香港卫氏宗亲会极大地简化了关键利益相关方之间及其内部的沟通过程，并最终促进了沥滘村高效而有效的改造。

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2.2 Effective participation of multiple subjects 多元主体的有效参与

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To better understand this characteristic, it deserves mentioning that the population of Guangdong Province has increased by over 40 million since the late 1970s. This population growth has been contributed vastly by those moving into the province's Pearl River Delta Region for work opportunities and business opportunities. Consequently, how to incorporate such a large migrant population into existing governance system has become a pressing challenge. Two problems stand out, particularly in those communities where the majority of residents are from migrant population. One problem pertains to the gap between established residents and new residents, and the other relates to exclusion of new residents from the processes of making decisions on their community affairs.    

为更好地理解这一特征，有必要指出，自20世纪70年代末以来，广东省人口增加了4000多万。这一人口增长主要来自进入珠江三角洲地区寻找工作机会和商业机会的人群。因此，如何将如此庞大的流动人口纳入现有治理体系，已成为一项迫切挑战。在那些居民多数为流动人口的社区中，尤其突出两个问题：一是老居民与新居民之间的差距；二是新居民被排除在社区事务决策过程之外。

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The above-mentioned challenge has been well addressed by effective participation of multiple subjects in community governance. This is particularly the case among urbanizing villages in Pearl River Delta Region. Sanyuanlijiedao, a subdistrict of Guangzhou City, serves as a good example. There are 103,000 residents in the subdistrict whereas 56,000 are from migrant population. It is clear that the majority of its residents are not established ones. Now each of the thirteen communities in Sanyuanlijiedao has included the migrant people in the process of addressing affairs of the communities where they reside now. This inclusion is achieved by the establishment of "Yishihui" (or "Deliberation Hall" in English). Among the thirteen members of a specific "Yishihui", it is required that six are from established residents, six from new residents, and one from subdistrict office. A decision is reached when two thirds of the thirteen members vote for a motion, and the decision is then implemented by neighborhood committee.   

上述挑战通过多元主体有效参与社区治理得到了较好应对。这一点在珠江三角洲地区的城中村中尤为明显。广州市三元里街道就是一个很好的例子。该街道共有居民103000人，其中56000人为流动人口。显然，其居民中的多数并非老居民。如今，三元里街道13个社区中的每一个都已将流动人口纳入其现居住社区事务的处理过程。这种纳入是通过建立“议事会”实现的。在某一具体“议事会”的13名成员中，要求6名来自老居民，6名来自新居民，1名来自街道办事处。当13名成员中有三分之二赞成某项动议时，即形成决定，随后由居委会执行。  

 

3. East China 华东地区

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Jiangsu Province and Zhejiang Province are selected to illustrate two distinct features of community governance innovation in East China. One is that of leveraging industry development, and the other leveraging cultural heritage.

本报告选取江苏省和浙江省，以说明华东地区社区治理创新的两个鲜明特征：一是借助产业发展；二是借助文化遗产。

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3.1 Leveraging industry development​ 借助产业发展

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To better understand this feature, it is worth depicting briefly the development trajectory of Jiangsu Province and Zhejiang Province since the late 1970s. That is, cities and villages of both provinces have been well integrated into the industry chain of Yangtze River Delta Region with Shanghai City as its core. Major cities in the two provinces have become centers of finance, design, and research and development. Their small and medium-sized cities have become manufacturing centers. Their towns and villages have become sites of production of parts and components. Due to this highly developed real economy at Yangtze River Delta Region, sufficient employment opportunities for local residents can be found within their provinces. In some areas, this is even the case within the boundaries of towns and/or villages.

为更好地理解这一特征，有必要简要描述江苏省和浙江省自20世纪70年代末以来的发展轨迹。也就是说，两省的城市和乡村均已较好地融入以上海市为核心的长江三角洲地区产业链之中。两省的主要城市已成为金融、设计和研发中心；中小城市已成为制造业中心；城镇和乡村则成为零部件生产基地。由于长江三角洲地区高度发达的实体经济，当地居民可以在本省范围内找到充足的就业机会。在一些地区，这甚至可以在乡镇或村庄范围内实现。

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The development trajectory as described above has contributed to two interrelated demographic trends in Jiangsu Province and Zhejiang Province. First, the vast majority of established residents tend to stay at Yangtze River Delta Region. Second, neither province has experienced a massive influx of migrant workers from regions outside Yangtze River Delta Region. Since existing social governance systems of the two provinces do not face a pressing challenge associated with migrant workers, they tend to focus on industry development.

上述发展轨迹促成了江苏省和浙江省两个相互关联的人口趋势。第一，绝大多数老居民倾向于留在长江三角洲地区。第二，两省均未经历来自长江三角洲以外地区的大规模外来务工人员涌入。由于两省现有社会治理体系并未面临与外来务工人员相关的迫切挑战，它们往往更注重产业发展。

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Hesilu Village of Yiwu City in Zhejiang Province serves as a good example in this regard. Leveraging its proximity to Yiwu downtown, the village first focused on developing itself into Yiwu's Provence. Lavender was introduced from Europe and Xinjiang Province, and now "Lavender Tours" have become the village's branding tourism project. High value-added lavender products such as sachets and soaps have also become new growth areas. Then, the village expanded its cultural tourism projects to its ancient village buildings. A well-known landscape and architecture design company was recruited to preserve, plan, and develop these buildings. The addition of "Ancient Village Tours" has further increased the competitiveness of Hesilu's cultural tourism industry. The village also developed rice wine industry, tapping into its traditional wine making process. Now it is running a public relations campaign for this more recently developed industry through various media such as workshops, displays, and festivals. In the long-term, the village aims at holistic development by integrating its landscape, culture, agriculture, and tourism projects.

浙江省义乌市何斯路村就是这方面的一个好例子。凭借其靠近义乌市区的地理优势，该村首先致力于将自身发展为“义乌的普罗旺斯”。村里从欧洲和新疆引进薰衣草，如今“薰衣草游”已成为该村的品牌旅游项目。香囊、香皂等高附加值薰衣草产品也成为新的增长领域。随后，该村将文化旅游项目扩展至其古村落建筑。村里引入了一家知名景观与建筑设计公司，对这些建筑进行保护、规划和开发。“古村游”的加入进一步提升了何斯路村文化旅游产业的竞争力。该村还依托传统酿酒工艺发展米酒产业。如今，村里正通过工作坊、展示活动和节庆活动等多种媒介，为这一新近发展的产业开展公共关系宣传。从长远来看，该村旨在通过整合景观、文化、农业和旅游项目，实现整体发展。

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3.2 Leveraging cultural heritage 借助文化遗产

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Jiangsu Province and Zhejiang Province have preserved the cultural heritage of "Litubulixiang, Litubulizhen" – meaning people's inseparability from their hometowns. This heritage, in turn, have enabled "Xiangxian" (i.e., talented villagers with virtue) to be highly respected and trusted by their fellow villagers. Therefore, community governance innovation in the two provinces tends to leverage Xiangxian. An illustrative case in this regard is that of Chengxiang Town of Taicang County in Jiangsu Province. Each of the eight villages of the town has established its "Hall of Xiangxian" with members selecting from well-respected grassroots cadres, villagers with talent for economic development and cultural development, retired leaders and workers, and moral exemplars. These halls have become a governance mechanism through which 'xiangxian' guide villagers to participate in making decisions about local affairs, expressing opinions about residential development, and managing conflicts within local communities.

江苏省和浙江省保留了“离土不离乡，离土不离镇”的文化传统，即人们与故土之间难以割舍的联系。这一文化传统反过来使“乡贤”，即有德行的能人，在乡亲中受到高度尊重和信任。因此，两省的社区治理创新往往借助乡贤力量。江苏省太仓市城厢镇就是这方面的一个说明性案例。该镇八个村中的每一个都建立了“乡贤馆”，成员从德高望重的基层干部、具有经济发展和文化发展才能的村民、退休领导和职工以及道德模范中遴选产生。这些乡贤馆已成为一种治理机制，通过这一机制，乡贤引导村民参与地方事务决策、表达对居住发展问题的意见，并调解地方社区内部的矛盾。

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'Xiangxian' have played three particular roles in the governance of their hometowns. The first is that of facilitator in rural economic development. Many 'xiangxian' have resources with respect to capital, technology, information, market, and network, all of which can be used to develop the economy of their hometowns. The second role is that of practitioner of rule of virtue in rural community. Certain conflicts in villages cannot be resolved by rule of law alone. Instead, they also require rule of virtue that is often embodied by 'xiangxian'. The third role is that of mediator between villagers and local government in rural governance. For one thing, 'xiangxian' are relatively independent from local state. For another, they tend to be perceived as trustworthy by villagers. Thus, 'xiangxian' can help to improve rural governance by building mutual trust between villagers and local government in the long term.

乡贤在家乡治理中发挥了三种特殊作用。第一种作用是作为农村经济发展的促进者。许多乡贤拥有资本、技术、信息、市场和人脉等资源，这些资源均可用于发展家乡经济。第二种作用是作为乡村社区德治的实践者。村庄中的某些冲突无法仅靠法治解决，而是还需要德治，而德治往往由乡贤体现。第三种作用是作为乡村治理中村民与地方政府之间的调解者。一方面，乡贤相对独立于地方国家权力；另一方面，他们往往被村民视为值得信赖。因此，从长期来看，乡贤可以通过在村民与地方政府之间建立相互信任，帮助改善乡村治理。

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4. Central and West China 中西部地区

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The context of Central and West China in relation to social governance is significantly different from that of each of the previous three regions. This region lacks sufficient funding for community redevelopment largely due to its slower economic growth. It also faces an ongoing out-migration of adults aged between 25 and 40. In this context, community governance innovation in Central and West China demonstrates two distinct features. One is that of leveraging development opportunities, and the other optimizing the use of existing resources.

​中西部地区与社会治理相关的背景，与前述三个地区均有显著不同。该地区经济增长较慢，因此社区改造资金不足；同时，该地区还面临25至40岁成年人持续外流的问题。在这一背景下，中西部地区社区治理创新呈现出两个鲜明特征：一是借助发展机遇；二是优化现有资源的使用。

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4.1 Leveraging development opportunities 借助发展机遇

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Huayuan Community of Changling Town of Zhenba County of Hanzhong City in Shaanxi Province serves as an illustrative case in this regard. There are 493 households in the community, out of which 126 are below the poverty line. Besides, the majority of its young workforce are migrant workers. For decades, villagers of Huayuan Community have not been able to develop a plausible approach to its economic development. A turning point came when a work group of Shaanxi Province Agricultural Product Quality Safety Center visited the community in 2017. The work group found out that three industries (i.e., tea tree industry, cage-free chicken industry, and rice industry) can be developed there thanks to its unique geographical location and climate. The work group then organized study tours for village leadership and villager representatives to learn about village revitalization successes in other parts of China (e.g., Beijing, Zhejiang Province, and Fujian Province). Now Huayuan Community has lifted itself out of poverty. In this poverty alleviation process, its villagers have become increasingly identified with their community. More importantly, they have developed their governance competencies.

​陕西省汉中市镇巴县长岭镇花园社区是这方面的一个说明性案例。该社区共有493户，其中126户处于贫困线以下。此外，该社区大多数青年劳动力为外出务工人员。几十年来，花园社区村民一直未能找到一条可行的经济发展路径。转折点出现在2017年，当时陕西省农产品质量安全中心工作组走访该社区。工作组发现，得益于其独特的地理位置和气候条件，当地可以发展三项产业，即茶树产业、散养鸡产业和水稻产业。随后，工作组组织村干部和村民代表开展考察学习，学习中国其他地区的乡村振兴成功经验，例如北京、浙江省和福建省。如今，花园社区已经脱贫。在这一脱贫过程中，村民对社区的认同感不断增强。更重要的是，他们发展出了自身的治理能力。

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4.2 Optimizing the use of existing resources 优化现有资源的使用

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A good example in this regard is that of Xinweilu Community of Weigongluxiduan Subdistrict of Weibin District of Baoji City in Shaanxi Province. There are 25 compounds with a total of 60 buildings in the community, and most of these compounds are old residential communities with deteriorating facilities. In response to residents' urge to redevelop their compounds, Weigongluxiduan Subdistrict Office incorporated a social organization (i.e., Shaanxi Puhui Youth Social Development Center) into community governance. In so doing, it established the province's first alliance between communities and social organizations. This community governance innovation has achieved many positive results of community redevelopment at a relatively low cost (e.g., repaired compound entrances, newly painted compound walls, and new green space). Noteworthy is the formation of a new public space by the name of "Meeting Hall" in which residents participated in the whole process of community redevelopment from planning to implementation to operation. It is also noteworthy that sustainable self-governance of compound is made possible by the collaboration between compound self-governance team and Party team in creating compound norms and rules regarding issues such as management of fund and adoption of green space.

这方面的一个好例子是陕西省宝鸡市渭滨区渭工路西段街道新渭路社区。该社区共有25个院落、60栋楼，其中大多数院落是设施老化的老旧居住社区。为回应居民改造院落的强烈诉求，渭工路西段街道办事处将社会组织，即陕西普惠青年社会发展中心，纳入社区治理。通过这一做法，该街道建立了陕西省首个社区与社会组织之间的联盟。这一社区治理创新以相对较低的成本取得了许多社区改造的积极成果，例如修缮院落入口、重新粉刷院墙以及新增绿地。值得注意的是，一个名为“议事厅”的新公共空间由此形成，居民参与了社区改造从规划到实施再到运营的全过程。同样值得注意的是，通过院落自治小组与党组织小组合作制定关于资金管理和绿地认养等问题的院落规范与规则，院落可持续自治成为可能。

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5. Concluding remarks 结语

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This report summarizes distinguishing features of community governance innovation in each of the four selected regions (i.e., North China, East China, South China, and Central and West China). Nonetheless, a caveat needs to be given, namely that these regional differences do not suggest each region has its unique governance challenges. Rather, all four regions are facing many similar challenges such as redeveloping old residential communities and incorporating migrant workers into community governance.

本报告总结了四个选定地区，即华北、华东、华南以及中西部地区，社区治理创新的显著特征。不过，需要作出一点说明：这些区域差异并不意味着每个地区都面临独有的治理挑战。相反，四个地区都面临许多相似挑战，例如老旧居住社区改造以及将外来务工人员纳入社区治理。